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THE PANGOAL REPORT
Apr 17, 2019
China- Pakistan Economic Corridor: Current Situation, challenges, Countermeasures and Suggestions
China- Pakistan Economic Corridor: Current Situation, challenges, Countermeasures and Suggestions

Dr. Lingfei Li, Deputy Director of  the Center for Indian Studies & research fellow of the Pangoal Institutionof the Pangoal Institution


China- Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a series of big engineering project that China and Pakistan develops to enhance the connectivity and common development of the two countries. CPEC, with Kashghar (in Chinese Xin Jiang Province) and the port of Gwadar (in Pakistani Baluchistan Province) at its northern and southern ends respectively, is a hub of Silk Road Economic Belt and Maritime Silk Road. So it is extraordinarily significant for the strategic deployment and promotion of Belt and Road initiative. At the moment (May 2017), the construction of CPEC has made a number of important developments. The governments of China and Pakistan have also conducted rounds of consultations to set up “long-range planning of CPEC”. On this occasion, this article will conclude the current situation of the construction of CPEC, summarize and evaluate the challenges and risks that exist, and offer preliminary countermeasures and suggestions.


I. The Context and Current Situation of CPEC

For many years, based on traditional friendship and common interests of the two countries, the economic trade and cooperation between China and Pakistan develops sustainably and steadily. Entering the 21st century, China and Pakistan signed free trade agreements in 2006 and Agreement on Trade in Services of the Free Trade Agreement in 2009. And in the year when the latter agreement signed, China became the second biggest trade partner of Pakistan.


In this context, in May 2013, during Premier Li Keqiang’s visit to Pakistan, he proposed an initiative to actively explore and formulate “long-range planning of CPEC”. In July 2013, Pakistani Premier Sharif visited China. The two countries agreed to establish Pakistan-China Joint Cooperation Committee (JCC) and reached a series of early harvest projects in the framework of long-range planning and cooperation. During Pakistani President Mamnoon Hussain’s state visit to China in February 2014, Pakistan-China Joint Cooperation Committee (JCC) has already launched. Integrated planning joint working group, transport infrastructure and energy joint working group has successfully held the first round of the meeting.


In April 2015, during President Xi Jinping’s state visit to Pakistan, the two countries agreed to upgrade China-Pakistan relations to “all-weather strategic cooperative partnership” and enhance CPEC as the flagship project of One Belt and One Road initiative. The construction of CPEC is based on corridor construction, focusing on port, energy, infrastructure construction and industrial cooperation, forming a "1+4" cooperation layout. At the moment, the developments of these projects are as follows:


1. Port of Gwadar

If we say CPEC is the flagship project of Belt and Road Initiative, then the port of Gwadar is the “pearl project” of CPEC. In April 2013, China Overseas Port Holding Company officially took over the operational authority of Gwadar Port from PSA International Pte Ltd. By the end of June 2016, the port of Gwadar started to function with basic operational ability. On November 13th 2016, the convoy of CPEC arrived in Gwadar from Kashghar, after exporting containers massively through the port, the first time joint transportation operation was completed successfully.


The free zone, which is an area of 923 hectares, was handed over to Chinese company along with the port of Gwadar. China will firstly develop the land of 25 hectares, where near the port of Gwadar. This is also called the free zone's starting area. In September 2016, the development and construction of the starting area have been officially launched, and around half of the workload has been completed. All the infrastructure projects, such as roads, water & electricity supply and afforestation, will be completed by the end of 2017, including a one-stop business service center which integrates the function of office premises, governmental service, business inspection and entertainment etc.


Until now, at least 35 companies have applied for free zone business license, out of which 9 companies have got the license. It is estimated that the investment will exceed 60 billion RMB. According to the plan, Gwadar free zone will be divided into two parts: the southern part is business logistics zone and the northern one is processing zone. Relying on the existing wharf, the south focuses on warehousing, logistics, commodity exhibitions and other industries. The north, which is processing zone, focuses on the development of automotive manufacturing & assembly, home appliances, textiles, Muslim food and medical equipment, forming a large-scale industrial cluster with a complete industrial chain. Along the coast the facilities related to tourism, catering service, entertainment, water sports, and life maintenance will be developed.


China Overseas Port Holding Company also installed a desalination facility with a daily production capacity of 500 tons of fresh water and laid a full set of water supply and drainage systems. The fresh water will not only meets the basic water need for construction and life in the port, but can also be distributed to the residents nearby every month. The early harvest projects of the Gwadar port also include:

project name

Estimated amount of investment

process

1

Construction of East Bay Highway

$140 million

will be completed in 2018

2

Breakwater construction

$130 million

in construction

3

Sino Pakistan vocational and technical school

$9 million

finished

4

Construction of infrastructure in free zones and export processing zones

$35 million

in construction

5

Construction of seawater treatment and freshwater supply facilities

$114 million

will be completed in 2018

6

Sino Pakistani Friendship Hospital (upgrade of existing hospital)

$100 million

in construction

7



coal-fired power plant

$360 million

in construction

8


Gwadar International Airport

$230 million

in operation

9

berth channel dredging of Gwadar Port

$270 million

in construction

2. Energy

In order to solve the energy shortage in Pakistan, in the four years since the proposal was put forward, the early harvest projects of CPEC mainly concentrate on energy sector, including Port Qasim coal-fired power plant, Sahiwal coal-fired power plant, Hub coal-fired power plant, Suki Kinari Hydropower Station, Karot Hydropower Station, Quaid-e-Azam solar power station in Punjab province and four wind power projects in Sindh province, all of which will be put into operation in 2017.


Port Qasim coal-fired power plant is jointly invested by PowerChina Resources Ltd. of Power Construction Corporation of China and Qatar Al-Mirqad Capital with 208.5 billion dollars. The total installed capacity is 1320 MW, and it is equipped with a series of environmental protection facilities, such as desalination, wastewater treatment, noise control, desulfurization and dust removal.


China's Silk Road Fund invested its first capital of 165 billion dollars on Karot Hydropower Project of CPEC. As one of the energy projects that have been giving priorities, it is financed by the cooperation of governmental and social capital. Its construction was started by the Three Gorges group in early 2016.


3. Transportation Infrastructure

According to the summary made by Sun Weidong, Chinese ambassador to Pakistan, the three most representative major projects, besides the starting area of Gwadar free zone, are Multan to Sukkur section of Peshawar to Karachi Expressway and the second phase of the project to upgrade an transform of the Karakoram Highway. The total investment of the two major projects will exceed $6 billion. In the field of transportation infrastructure, the construction of Gwadar International Airport and Gwadar East Bay Highway is started in 2016. The investment scale is smaller, which is about 400 million dollars.


In 13th November 2016, the first connection of CPEC joint trade motorcade was grandly held in the port of Gwadar in Pakistani Baluchistan Province. The result showed that the road has been preliminarily connected with China, and the concept of “one corridor and multi channels” has gradually become a reality. Pakistani Premier Sharif said that “ This marks CPEC is becoming a reality from the concept and opening a new page of interconnection in the region. Thus, Pakistan has become one of the traffic hinges of Asian continent, and the people from all countries can share this development and prosperity


The special envoy of CPEC Zafar Mahmood introduced that as domestic energy shortage in Pakistan has not been resolved, the upgrading and transformation of Pakistani domestic No. 1 railway trunk line (boosting its speed from 60 kilometers to 140 kilometers per hour), the construction of Port Harvey and the cooperation of Sino-Pakistan industrial park are still in planning and feasibility studying level, their constructions haven’t been started yet.


4. Industrial Cooperation

Sino-Pakistan industrial cooperation is still at its initial stage. As for the construction of industrial park, Punjab, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan have put forward the plan of constructing 29 industrial parks and 21 mining processing parks. At present, due to the backward reality of Pakistan's domestic economic foundation, energy supply and human resources, these projects are incapable to be launched at the same time. In the end, from the perspective of regional balance, China has chosen industrial park in each province as an exemplificative park. The following content in the table reflects specific industrial cooperation projects:

project name

company name

phase

process

Gwadar to Nava Shah LNG terminal and pipeline project (700 km)

China Petroleum Pipeline Bureau

will be opened

40%

Haier and Ruba Economic Zonethe second phase

Haier Electric Appliance Co., Ltd.

Feasibility phase

15%

Rawalpindi to Khunjerab light cable engineering

Huawei Technologies CO., LTD

in construction

50%

DTMB demonstrative project

undetermined

memorandum of cooperation has been signed

5%

Lahore Orange Line subway project

China Railway Engineering-China North Industries Group Corporation

in construction

60%

the project of accelerating the commercialization of Pakistan TD-LTE

undetermined

Feasibility phase

15 %

II. Challenges in CPEC

Challenges faced by China-Pakistan Economic Corridor mainly generated from three aspects, which are investment risks in domestic economy & politics, risks on international relation in complicated geopolitics, security risks in extremism and terrorism.


1. Pakistan Domestic Economy and Politics Risks

Pakistan has a relatively stable economic and political environment. Due to China-Pakistan friendship and strategic partnership, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor has received general support from Pakistani government. Risks brought by domestic economic and political situations lie in power struggle in party politics, conflict of interest in various parties, and investment risks by weak economic infrastructure and environment.


(1) Unstable Elements in Domestic Politics: Regionalism and Social Tension in Party Struggles

There are more than 200 political parties in Pakistan with many factions. Layout of CPEC projects often causes disputes among parties. These disputes reflects a deeper problem, which is the conflict of interests over regions and ethnic groups. For example, Punjab and Sindh are the two relatively developed provinces in Eastern Pakistan. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan in the west are relatively poor developed and urgently need infrastructure investment. Provinces all wish to invite more CPEC projects to their own places, which causes tension between “East” and “West”. Sindh is also the base camp of Pakistan People’s Party, the biggest party in Pakistan which does not get along well with the governing party Pakistan Muslim League (Sharif faction) from Punjab. This regionalism and power struggle among parties require governing party Pakistan Muslim League (Sharif faction) to persuade major oppositions like National Awami PartyPakistan Movement for JusticeBaluchistan National Awami Party, and reached a compromise, so that CPEC projects could be implemented.


At end of July, 2016 several senators in the senator jointly demanded the Sharif government to publish relevant materials in CPEC, seconded by senators from opposition parties, and other party senators from governing party league. These senators accuses Pakistan Muslim League (N) of favoring Punjab alone in CPEC. Since February 2017, the leader of Baluchistan National PartySardar Akhtar Mengal has been organizing public gatherings in Quetta against CPEC, and claims to media that Chinese investment projects have brought no opportunities to Balochistan Province, but created a lot of jobs for Punjab.


Power struggle in CPEC also happens between federal and regional governments.  The struggle over land-use right in Pakistan Port Qasim Power Project is an example.Port Qasim Power Project is Sharif government’s milestone project to solve domestic electricity shortage. This flagship project in energy field which was founded by the joint 2 billion investment from PowerChina Resources Ltd of Power Construction Corporation of China and Qatar Al-Mirqad Capital.


The power plant was a CPEC project approved by Pakistan Federal Government, but local Sindh government believed that federal government did not acquire authorization from local government to use the land. Sindh demanded partial share in the power plant, or compensations equivalent to the land useage . Federal government believed that according to Constitution, it has already acquired a land tenure and is entitled to any development and exploitation over the land. But Sindh believed that federal government has no right to build a power plant, the government only has right for port construction and maritime transport.


This problem was solved finally in the end of December, 2016, after hard discussions and negotiations among Chinese government, Pakistan federal government, Sindh regional government, Port Qasim Energy Holding, and many relevant parties.


Disputes in Pakistan domestic politics brought great obstacles for CPEC and directly affected processes like premises selection and construction. And in the implementation process, the potential risks should not be underestimated.


Furthermore, the lack of trust between Pakistani military and elected government also brings instability to Pakistan’s internal politics. In the past 70 years history of Pakistan, military governed the country for four times and amounts to 33 years in total. Although intervention from military gradually wanes away from 2008, the possibility of a military intervention and its possible effect on CPEC should not be ruled out for a long time.


(2) Economic risks

Pakistan is facing many economic problems, which are weak economic foundation, backward infrastructure construction, inefficient economic policy implementation. The initial projects of CPEC are focused on infrastructure constructions related to energy and transportation to solve the difficulties caused by energy shortage and infrastructure operation failure. The risks in this environment is an increase in investment cost and low efficiency.


Take the oil-gas pipe as an example. The whole infrastructure construction of Chinese maritime oil-gas transportation is nearly completed, but the imagined Sino-Pakistan oil-gas pipeline infrastructure construction needs to start from zero, and the host country Pakistan could not guarantee a stable power supply. They are waiting for a series of power generation projects under CPEC framework to solve this problem. Not to mention that from Gwadar to Kashgar, they need to cross 5-6 kilometer Laci-Kunlun mountain. This imagined pipeline requires pump station with high power, and requires extra heating and insulation device in highland areas, which significantly increases the cost. Therefore, even if we do not consider the security cost, Sino-Pakistan oil-gas pipeline” is not economic.


Moreover, in Pakistan, there is a heavy trend of politicizing economic problems. For example, in financing, many Pakistani regard CPEC as China is looking for venting approach for its domestic finance surplus. Therefore, China should be the main investor in CEPC, Pakistan need not to enlarge financing channel. Pakistan’s first high speed road project M4 high speed road (from Shorkot to Khanewal), jointly invested by Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and Asian Development Bank, was not listed as CPEC project by Ministry of Planning and Development either.

South Asia Economic Focus, issued by World Bank in April, 2016, believes that if CPEC is successfully implemented, it will bring fundamental change to Pakistan. But the project is now facing Pakistan domestic economic and political risks. Considering the domestic economic and political condition in Pakistan, the warning of World Back should be taken seriously.


2. Complicated Geopolitics

In regards of geopolitics, CPEC is facing problem from Pakistan’s relation with India, Afghanistan, Middle East and surround countries, and from big countries competition away from the region.


First, India-Pakistan relation can not be significantly improved in short terms. After India’s prime minister Modi’s sudden visit to Pakistan in December 2015, public believed that the relation between two countries would improve. But it went done dramatically in 2016. On September 18, 2016, military base of Uri in India controlled Kashmir was attacked by terrorists and 18 Indian soldiers died. India accused Pakistan of supporting this terrorist act and performed “surgery-strike” on Pakistan on September 29.  Diplomatically, India initiated “isolating” Pakistan movement, especially by not attending the 19th SAARC Summit held in Pakistan. Later Bangladesh, Bhutan, and Afghanistan made similar voices.


Second, Pakistan-Afghanistan relation was restricted by Durand Line issue, Taliban, and Afghanistan’s disappointment over Pakistan in regards of terrorism. After NATO declared the end of combat mission in Afghanistan on December 31, 2014 and American’s withdraw, domestic politics in Afghanistan became unstable and thus produced uncertainties and security risks that would present a grave challenge for Pakistan’s domestic security and social stability.

Furthermore, Pakistan has subtle relations with Middle East countries, especially with Saudi and Iran. For now Pakistan’s policy to Middle East has made some achievements, but on questions of CPEC, geoeconomics would replace geopolitics and become the main risk in constructing the corridor.Some scholars point out that the Chabahar port (designed by India for Iran) and Pakistan’s Gwadar Port have become a miniature for the competition over global resources and influences between the two countries.


From the standpoint of big countries’ geopolitical layout in the region, South Asia is leaning towards a “Cold War” situation of “choosing sides”. First, India-US relation is developing further, and India is nearly becoming an ally of US on defense. Second, Russia is approaching Pakistan. When India started “isolating” Pakistan movement, Russia and Pakistan hold the first joint military exercise “Friendship 2016” on September 24, which shows a subtle geopolitical connotation.


The most complicated problem in CPEC is how China deals with India. India has long adopted an opposing and non-cooperative attitude towards CPEC. India does not want China to lead regional affairs. India has already use and will use its self influence on other countries and the territorial dispute between India and Pakistan to hinder the projects and form competition projects with other countries. India’s non-cooperative attitude and competition position could be easily used by other big countries and form a disadvantage situation for China.


3. Security Risks from Extremism and Terrorism

(1) Severe Security Situation in Balochistan Province

For China, Gwadar Port is not only a energy-strategic path. It sits at the center of China’s “Belt” and “Road” and the center of CPEC, but also deep into the most restless Balochistan Province. The first concern is the security of Chinese personnel in Pakistan. Compared to 2007-2009 when there was one terrorist attack in around every three days, there has been significant improvement in general security. But to the Chinese personnel in the main project location, namely Baluchistan Province, “Sindhudesh Revolutionary Army”“Balochistan Liberation Army” and other armed organizations present a constant threat of sudden attack.


As large group of Chinese personnel are arriving, upgrade in security is needed in Gwadar district as well. Chinese people going to Gwadar district still remembers the incident in May 2004, when Chinese engineers were attacked in the city. Attacks against government projects by separatist forces in Balochistan Province also left a dark memory on many Chinese investors. Therefore under Chinese government’s demand, Pakistan military assigned 15 thousands personnels to secure CPEC projects, with heavy focus on the construction and development of Gwadar Port. But this serious gesture was not taken as optimistic signal by investors. The constant presence of armed personnels would make foreign investors very uncomfortable and would affect their decision to invest.


There is also structural worries in the security protection provided by Pakistan. Currently the armed forces providing security for Gwadar Port consists of three groups: local police, armed militia, and Pakistan military. There is a severe lack of coordination among three groups.


(2) Extremist Islamic State Infiltration and Terrorism Returning from Abroad

In recent years, Islamic State has tightened the infiltration to Pakistan-Afghanistan areas. There are small scale terrorist attacks in big cities like Lahore and Karachi. And extremist organizations in Punjab is likely to disseminate among teenagers with decent education. In the future, Punjab may face severe security challenge.


In February 2017, Pakistan terrorism forces produced six air strikes in four days, and looked like they would return to Pakistan with full power. Terrorist attacked law enforcement department in capital of Punjab Lahore on February 13, in Balochistan Quetta on 14th,  in Federally Administrated Tribal Areas on 14th, and in a famous Sufism Mosque in Sindh on February 16. “Jamaat-ul-Ahrar” claimed responsibility for these incidences, and showed that the targets are government workers and secular media workers.


Furthermore, Pakistan Punjab government recently issued terrorism alarm and claimed that Pakistani foreign fighters in Iraq and Syria and returning to Pakistan, as they wish to contribute to Islamic State movement in Pakistan. No matter how coordinated are the government and military, “National (Anti-Terror) Action Plan” would not successfully address this problem. The priority to domestic terrorism is the external environment that raises the terrorists. Unfortunately, there has been no new thoughts on whether India and Afghanistan prefers war or peace.


Ever since Pakistan joined US’s “War On Terror” in Afghanistan, the most problematic area in domestic security has shifted to the clan areas along Afghanistan border, the most problematic being North Waziristanhereafter NW. During the “Operation Rah-e-Nijat” and “Operation Zarb-e-Azb” counter-terrorism military operations in South Waziristan and NW, performed by Pakistan military in 2009 and 2014, many members belong to Tehrik-i-Taliban fled to Eastern Afghanistan after being hit. Because there is no efficient control over the border, people could cross the border freely in some areas. Therefore if counter-terrorism in Pakistan relaxes, terrorists may return.


III. Countermeasures and suggestions

1. Correct understanding and adequate preparation

First and foremost, we need to treat the problems in CPEC construction rationally. As have been mentioned above, Pakistan’s situation of lacking water and electricity cannot be solved in a short term; terrorism and extremism are objective realities that cannot be ignored or eliminated quickly; Pakistan’s domestic political struggle is caused by the long term of structural contradictions and has nothing to do with the CPEC; transportation is the foundation of CPEC, and it is the geographic fact that the traffic line between China and Pakistan needs to go through the Pakistani-administered Kashmir, and China has no intention to make troubles to any relevant countries; the geopolitical crises caused by the major power of today’s world cannot be solved by China’s good willing. Consequently, the problems faced by CPEC construction are long-term, overall and intractable in nature. We need to view and treat these problems rationally.


Secondly, we should improve the Joint Cooperation Committee mechanism, planning, investigation and analysis. China should make full use of the the China-Pakistan all-weather strategic cooperative partnership and deep political trust, improve the role of high-level communication in coordination and management, and reinforce the current Joint Cooperation Committee mechanism. Meanwhile, we need to increase the early planning, investigation and analysis on key areas and specific projects, coordinate them with the overall plan of CPEC and China’s regional development, implementing and pushing forward these areas and projects step by step.


Thirdly, We should be fully aware of the risks of the CPEC and make contingency plan in advance. On the basis of trusting and cooperating with Pakistan military, law enforcement agencies and security personnel, we also need to have clear understanding on the complexity of Pakistan’s security environment and make contingency plan for the possible risks and accidents.


2. Transparency and marketing operations

Firstly, we need to improve the transparency in planning the CPEC. The improvement of the international publicity in Pakistan not only requires the support of the mainstream media of Pakistan, but also of new media. We need to use different measures to increase the communication between our peoples, to increase mutual trust and relieve mutual distrust and misunderstandings among them. We can learn from Japan on this point. When Japanese workers finish their projects, the local people will remember the hard work and the concrete benefits brought by these Japanese workers. However, Chinese people are always good at working, but not good at to disseminate the information. The other function of transparency is to increase the regional mutual trust and to eliminate the mutual distrust in geopolitics. That will help to prevent the vicious competition or game. The CPEC plan and other cooperative projects between China and Pakistan can actually provide the win-win platforms for the development of the regional economy and trade. They are also the opportunities for the region to share development dividends, improve regional economy, politics and security. In order to make other countries believe China’s good willing of establishing the community of shared destiny, with the basis of transparent operation, we could make CPEC flagship project a model to openly present China’s  strategic thinking to the world.


Secondly, we should adhere to marketing operations and avoid from politicizing economic problems. There is no doubt that Pakistan is known as China’s “Bhaee Pak”. However, In the process of project implementation, we still need to realize market allocation of resources, obey the international law and norms and allow different kinds of enterprises to play the principal role. The government should play an auxiliary role, to pave the way and build the bridge. It should allow the “invisible hand” to play its role and avoid from politicizing the economic problems which may lead to political or diplomatic disputes.


3. Improving people-to-people and local exchanges, establishing all-round friendship

The complexity of Pakistan’s domestic political relations determines that when implementing the project of great coverage in space and time, such as the CPEC, one cannot solve the problem of investment environment once and for all by simply improving its relations with the central government or the major party. When improving its relations with the major domestic political party, ethnic groups and interest groups, one needs to start from the ground level and strive for the public support to the investment project and construction. Meanwhile, due to the large scale of overseas investments and personnel exports created by CPEC, the consular protection also becomes inadequate. By establishing good relations with the public and improving the investment environment, we could decrease the security risks faced by the local elites and personnel.


Specifically, we could improve the public welfare of the regions which are important to CPEC or have close relations with inland China. We could regularly provide public goods and services, such as water, power plants, medical services and education, to the locals. This will not only improve our relations with the local and provide better investment environment, but also create more investment opportunities through interactions on ground level. It can even help to solve the disputes caused by Pakistan regionalism.


Take the construction of the Gwadar Port for example. One of the major ethnic and regional conflict emerged during the construction is the dispute between contractors and workers. The workers are mainly Punjabis, but the local people from Balochistan Province cannot participate in the construction or gain profits. Meanwhile, limited by the domestic political and economic situation, this kind of dispute cannot be solved quickly. At that point, maybe we could improve the local public welfare by implementing public project and building infrastructures. On the one hand, this will not influence the construction of the port. On the other hand, we can provide more working opportunities for the locals. Consequently, such projects and constructions will not only relive the ethnic disputes caused by regionalism, but also achieve our goals of improving the relations with local people and investment environment.


4. Increasing the counter-terrorism efforts, ensuring the safety of oversees personnel and assets

The grand projects like the CPEC require a large amount of money, personnel and need to have massive oversees assets. However, Pakistan is a dangerous area which has frequent terrorism activities. This situation requires us to do our best to protect the safety of our overseas personnel and assets.


Firstly, we must raise the counter-terrorism mechanism in this region to state level. We need to make targeted and comprehensive security and early warning mechanism and emergency management mechanism. This needs the relevant departments, such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the National Security Commission of the Communist Party of China and the National Leading Group on Counter-terrorism, to cooperate with each other and establish the efficient and cross-department intelligence sharing mechanism and emergency response mechanism.


Secondly, relying on our counter-terrorism cooperation and coordination mechanism with Pakistan and other neighborhoods, we can improve our intelligence sharing and joint operation abilities, and therefore improve our counter-terrorism efforts in this region. Pakistan and its neighboring regions are facing serious counter-terrorism tasks. The newly established Quadrilateral Cooperation and Coordination Mechanism in Counter-Terrorism by Afghanistan-China-Pakistan-Tajikistan Armed Forces is the first step of China in becoming the leading force of regional counter-terrorism mechanism. At present, when participating in and leading the mechanism, China still adhere to non-interference principle and treat personnel training, technology and intelligence sharing, joint training and exercise as the main measures of the mechanism. However, when CPEC and Belt and Road Initiative are creating more and more oversees interests, and when Pakistan cannot solve the crises on its own, we should also be ready to consider changing the non-interference principle. Under the precondition of consent of the other party and the protection of its basic rights, we should launch direct interference and intervention to these countries.

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